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[1] P.H. Liotta, Dismembering the State: the Death of Yugoslavia and Why It Matters. (New York: Lexington Books 2000), 3. [2] At the time of this writing, Serbia and Montenegro still formed the 'rump' Yugoslav federation or FRY. Since the election of Milo Djukanovic on 20 October 1997, his party, Pobjeda je Crna Gora (the Victory is Montenegro), has pushed for outright independence from Belgrade. The efforts of Momir Bulatovic's party Za Jugoslaviju (For Yugoslavia) have galvanized an opposition for the retention of the federation. A recent referendum, however, indicated that neither of the parties was capable of achieving an absolute majority, effectively postponing the question of Montenegrin independence until Spring 2002. Currently the two states are negotiating a new constitutional arrangement for a joint state of Serbia and Montenegro, abandoning the name Yugoslavia. [3] Misha Glenny, "Carnage in Bosnia, for Starters," New York Times 29 July 1993: A23. [4] Raju G.C. Thomas, "History, Religion and National Identity," in The South Slav Conflict: History, Religion, Ethnicity and Nationalism. (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996), 25. [5] During the Titoist period the Slovenian and Macedonian languages were constitutionally recognized, although linguistically distinct from the larger Serbo-Croatian group which covers present-day Bosnia, Croatia and Yugoslavia. In these cases, one could claim that language would be a significant cultural marker. Despite nationalist rhetoric, linguistics generally agree that similar variants spoken in Croatia, Bosnia or Serbia all stem from the larger Serbo-Croat language group. [6] See Samuel P. Huntington's "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order" for an explanation of how the historical borders of the Austro-Hungary, Ottoman and Byzantine empires accounts for the violent break-up of Yugoslavia. [7] Paul A. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1991), 24. [12] Ibid., 21. [14] Lenard J. Cohen, "Bosnia's Tribal Gods: the Role of Religion in Nationalist Politics," in Religion and the War in Bosnia. Ed. By Paul Mojzes (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press 1998), 47. [15] Ibid. [18] Aleksandar Pavkovic, The Fragmentation of Yugoslavia: Nationalism in a Multinational State (New York: St. Martin's Press 1997), 77. [19] Cohen, 51. Albanian nationalist demonstrations in Kosovo during 1981, more overt nationalism in the Serbian intelligentsia during 1985-1986 and festering dissatisfaction with Tito's earlier crackdown of the Croatian Spring nationalist movement became more menacing challenges to Yugoslavia's legitimacy as a state. [20] Sabrina Petra Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture and Religion in Yugoslavia (Boulder, CO: Westview Press 1992), 140. [22] The 1963, 1969 and 1974 constitutional augmentations provided broad concessions of autonomy to the republics and to the autonomous regions of Kosovo and Vojvodina in Serbia. In Alex N. Dragnich's Yugoslavia's Disintegration (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), Tito engineered these amendments to quell any latent secessionist leanings. These two autonomous provinces were effectively awarded the same parliamentary right to veto policy as the other republics. [23] David Brown, "Why is the Nation-State so Vulnerable to Ethnic Nationalism?" Nations and Nationalism, 4 (1998): 1. [25] Marcus Tanner, Croatia: A Nation Forged in War. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 220. [26] Bogdan Denitch Ethnic Nationalism: the Tragic Death of Yugoslavia. (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 30. [28] Radmila Radic, "Serbian Orthodox Church and the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina," in Religion and the War in Bosnia, 165. [30] Ibid. [31] Djordjevic, 152. [32] With exception of Slovenia, ethnic Serbs prior to the outbreak of civil war were represented in significant numbers in all the Yugoslav republics outside of Serbia proper, i.e. Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Kosovo. Alex Dragnich claims on page 11 in Yugoslavia's Disintegration that roughly 40% of all Serbs lived outside the confines of 'narrow Serbia.'
[33] Richard West, Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 1995), 79. [34] Gregory R. Copley, ed., Defense and Foreign Affairs Handbook. (London: International Media Corporation Ltd, 1996), 305. [35] John Cornwell, Hitler's Pope: the Secret History of Pius XII. (New York: Penguin Books, 1999), 249. [37] Ibid., 255. [38] Kaplan, 11. [39] Mojzes, Yugoslavian Inferno: Ethnoreligious Warfare in the Balkans. (New York: Continuum, 1995), 136. [41] Michael A. Sells, "Serbian Religious Nationalism, Christoslavism and the Genocide in Bosnia, 1992-1995," in Religion and the War in Bosnia, 201. [45] Mojzes, Yugoslavian Inferno, 162. [48] Gerard F. Powers, "Religion, Conflict and Prospects for Peace in Bosnia, Croatia and Yugoslavia," in Religion and the War in Bosnia. 239. [49] Katherine Verdery, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Post-Socialist Change. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999) 98. [50] Tanner, 218. [53] Ibid. [54] Paul Mojzes, "The Camouflaged Role of Religion in the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina," in Religion and the War in Bosnia, 75. [56] Denitch, 31. [57] William E. Paterson, "The Chancellor and Foreign Policy," Adenauer to Kohl: The Development of the German Chancellorship, ed. Stephen Padgett. (London: C. Hurst & Company. Ltd., 1994), 146. [59] Ibid.. [61] Cornwell, 259-260. [66] Ibid.
[67] Ibid.,131. [68] Ibid. [71] Brass, 21. |